Climate actions should serve as a bridge that brings China and the EU together, rather than being a source of division

The 30th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém, Brazil, held significant symbolism as well as practical importance as it took place 10 years after the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Despite the challenging circumstances, some successes were achieved. The participation of over 190 countries from around the world demonstrated the strength of the Paris Agreement's multilateral approach.

Arguably, the greatest challenge to multilateral climate diplomacy is the United States' withdrawal from the Paris Agreement for a second time and its recommitment to fossil fuels. The consequences for climate diplomacy are grave. When the world's largest economy and a major emitter of greenhouse gases abandons the international consensus, with its president describing climate change as the "greatest con job ever" and a "green scam", it sets a bad precedent. Some developing countries are wavering on the path toward a greener future.

This is why it is all the more important that China and the European Union shoulder the responsibility to be the global leaders on climate change and spearhead the global green transition.

Both have presented impressive Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) regarding reductions in their emissions. At the UN Climate Summit in September, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China would reduce economy-wide net greenhouse gas emissions by 7 percent to 10 percent from peak levels by 2035, with the aim of doing even better. This landmark pledge marked the first time that China committed to an absolute emissions reduction target. The EU only submitted its contributions in November, introducing an indicative target range of 66.25 to 72.5 percent for 2035 on the path toward carbon neutrality by 2050.

Following their leaders' summit in July, China and the EU had published a joint news statement, emphasizing that strengthening their cooperation on climate change bears on the well-being of their peoples and is of special significance to upholding multilateralism and advancing global climate governance. They recognized that their green partnership was an important part of the overall China-EU partnership: Green was the defining color of their cooperation.

Yet there is hope for further improvement. The recently adopted Recommendations of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) for National Economic and Social Development emphasize that the total discharge of major pollutants should continue to decrease and that eco-friendly ways of work and life should become the norm in society. Indeed, China has often exceeded its international climate commitments in the past. For instance, in 2020 it pledged to achieve wind and solar power capacity of 1,200 gigawatts by 2030 — only to reach this goal six years ahead of schedule. There is mounting evidence that its emissions are leveling off. Furthermore, China's surge in exporting inexpensive solar, wind and battery technologies benefits not only countries in the Global South, but the entire planet.

Both China and the EU are making progress in terms of green development. While the EU is moving forward gradually regarding the installation of solar capacity, China is forging ahead. The EU plans to double its 2023 capacity of 260 GW by 2030; China had already installed more than 1,000 GW by the end of October 2025.Last year, China installed 55 percent of global solar panels, while the EU installed just 14 percent.

This development is even more pronounced when it comes to wind power. In 2024, China installed about 68 percent of the new global capacity, while the EU installed 11 percent. While China's capacity increased by 18 percent year-on-year, the EU's grew by around 5 percent.

At COP30, China and the EU agreed that financial resources for adapting to climate change should be tripled by 2035, emphasizing the need for developed countries to increase climate financing for developing countries. But there was no unanimity on fossil fuels: the EU favored strong language on phasing out fossil fuels, China and others argued for a more moderate approach that focuses on renewables rather than an outright ban on fossil fuels.

In the continued absence of the US, it is all the more important that China and the EU strengthen their cooperation on climate issues. To achieve this, they must overcome the divide between their trade and climate policies. Climate cooperation cannot happen in isolation; this is why the EU should recognize that climate tools such as its Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism — a tax on imports based on their carbon content — are considered protectionist by China and many other countries, including the US.

China and the EU should focus on practical matters, such as targeted, results-driven cooperation in areas where their economic interests converge. These could be discussed at their High-Level Environment and Climate Dialogue, which was elevated to the vice-premier level in 2020 and last convened in July 2025. Related meetings in the future can include the EU's ongoing support for China's emissions trading system, closer collaboration in green finance and expanding their cooperation to include the Global South, particularly with regard to adapting to the impacts of climate change.

Both the EU and China should strive to build an ecosystem that encompasses research and development, standardization and, where feasible, coordinated manufacturing. Most importantly they should ensure that clean technology serves as a bridge that brings them together, rather than creating divisions. Competing visions for global climate governance should be reconciled to establish a solid foundation for cooperative leadership.

The author is a former member of the German Foreign Service, an advisory professor at Tongji University and a visiting scholar at the Center for Cultural Studies on Science and Technology in China at Technical University of Berlin. The author contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.